[1] I remember an encounter with a professor in graduate school regarding my membership in the ELCA. “A Puerto Rican Lutheran,” he said. “You must be the only one in the state of Florida.” Nervously, but visibly shaken, I just nodded, gave a crooked smile, and hurried away. Over the years, I lament not saying anything in defense of my church. But alas, the historical resources were few, and my knowledge of Puerto Rican Lutheranism was limited.
[2] Jose David Rodríguez’ book Caribbean Lutherans sure would have helped! A product of Rodríguez’ dissertation, the book is an attempt to examine the story of the Lutheran Church in the Caribbean employing a historiographical approach. The methodological approach utilized “explores alternative sources and analysis of the evidence… such as the oral tradition, historical archaeology, social history from below, women’s history, environmental history, gay and lesbian history, and the history of science,” (4). The strength of the book lies in its thoughtful and meticulous approach in examining the missiology and the subsequent ecclesiology of the Lutheran Church in the region. The examination is unflinchingly shaped by the sad history of colonialism, post-colonialism and neo-colonialism. This allows us to critically and audaciously examine the highs and lows of the Lutheran missiological enterprise not only in the island of Puerto Rico, but also in the region. This is a story of racism masked as spiritual concern, paternalism as a response to the call for self-governance, and horror as a rejoinder to autochthonous liturgical expressions.
[3] This review will briefly discuss the history of the Lutheran Church in Puerto Rico and the Caribbean, present a perusal of prominent themes and characteristics identified by this work, and conclude with a discussion of the challenges and strengths of this book.
[4] Although “Lutheran missionary endeavors have a [450-year history],” the church has had an ambiguous and half-hearted regards towards this endeavor. Rodríguez points out that the earliest attempt at missiology, promoted by a Lutheran layperson named Justinian Weltz in 1664, ended with his being declared a heretic (15). He was condemned for “wanting to share pearls with swine.” Regardless Weltz set out to Suriname in 1666, where he died two years later of malaria. Years later his missionary principles were espoused by theologians at the University of Halle, and motivated Moravian efforts to the continent in 1732.
[5] Historians have long debated the establishment of a Lutheran congregation in Venezuela by German bankers Bartolomé and Antonio Welser in 16th century (footnote 36, 29). Nevertheless the oldest Lutheran parish in the Americas, is Frederick Evangelical Lutheran Church, founded in 1666 by Danish colonists in St. Thomas, Virgin Islands (footnote 57, 31). The slave trade was brought to St. Thomas in the 1700’s. Many escaped enslaved people considered “the Spanish island of Puerto Rico… the best place to escape from the horrors of Danish slavery,” (22). Merchants, slaves, and others made their way to Puerto Rico, bringing with them their Lutheran faith (23). Officially, missionary work on the island began in 1898, when Gustav Sigfried Swenson, a seminarian from Augustana Seminary in Illinois, arrived on the archipelago of Puerto Rico (23, 70).
[6] Lutheran missionary efforts existed prior to the Spanish-American War’s conclusion in 1898, but were accelerated in the post war period due to a patronizing neo-colonial ideology and concerns (35-38). It is important to point out that this historical event precipitated a mad scramble on the island by Protestant missionaries of every denomination and church (38). Rodríguez states that the Protestant missiological enterprise was comprised of two stages: from 1860-1870 recruiting marginalized people and exploiting anti-Catholic sentiments for the purpose of creating mutual help organizations; and from 1898-1920 perpetuating “Americanization, collaboration and neo-colonialism” in the guise of progress and reform (40-41). Regardless, Rodríguez proposes that “a minority of missionaries… had a clear vision of indigenization/contextualization for the emerging church and culture,” (42). These missionaries “never equated the gospel with Americanization” and were “committed to the gospel and not to a political ideology” (42). No other institution favored the Americanization of the people of Puerto Rico more than the military (43-47), utilizing military chaplains in that effort (47-50).
[7] The Protestant incentive to develop missionary work on the island was stimulated by the 1899 General Convention of the Episcopal Church in the United States (gathering in Chicago) where a commission charged the bishop of Chicago with a study regarding work in the archipelago (51). In 1899, the Evangelical Lutheran Church in North America’s General Council’s Board of Foreign Missions were invited to consider sending missionaries to the spoils of the American military campaign against Spain; Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines (70). In the same year the board extended the call to two pastors, Rev. Benjamin F. Hankey and Rev. Herbert F. Richards, to begin missionary work on the island (70). In 1901 the Evangelical Lutheran Church “authorized the creation of a Porto Rico Mission Board” (70-71). Unfortunately, Rodríguez points out that the early missionary lens was myopic, promoting a cultural and religious struggle with Spain and Roman Catholicism. In addition these missionaries failed to see themselves as tools of American military rule, as well as endorsing the patronizing values of “education, health, and a new social order,” (76-77).
[8] On January 1, 1900, the First Evangelical Lutheran Church was organized in San Juan Puerto Rico under the leadership of Pastors Richards, Hankey and Seminarian Swensson (91). As Lutheranism on the island grew, and more churches were founded, local lay leaders restlessly sought ordination and recognition to the ambivalence and outright hostility of the missionaries and their corresponding American missionary boards (98-100). Although three indigenous leaders were ordained to the ministry in 1926, the work was dominated by American trained and commissioned pastors (101). By 1936 it was reported that the island had 13 congregations, 8 ordained ministers, 872 confirmed members, 2000 Bible School participants, 5 kindergartens, and 14 Luther Leagues (108). Many of these emerging leaders, after completing their seminary course of study, were forced to establish congregations in New York and Texas since opportunities on the island were truncated (109).
[9] As the church continued to grow, primarily during the post-World War II period, and became economically self-sufficient, calls began to establish an autochthonous synod and incorporate it to the larger Lutheran denomination. In 1952 the Caribbean Synod of the United Lutheran Church in America was founded. The synod’s 19 congregations and 13 pastors were admitted to the United Lutheran Church in America in October of the same year (145). Chapter 6 of the book celebrates the work and contribution of women in the synod, culminating with the ordination of women to the ministry of Word and Sacrament in 1983 (Rev. Rafaela Hayde Morales Rosa) and the election of two female bishops (Rev. Margarita Martinez in 2001 and Idalia C. Negrón Caamaño in 2018. Since the book’s publication, the synod elected a third woman to serve as bishop, Vivian Dávila).
[10] The most prominent characteristics and insights from Caribbean Lutherans include:
- The creation of an autochthonous or indigenous church: While rooted in the 16th century theological European reformation, Lutherans in Puerto Rico, with the assistance of American missionary efforts, have created a version of the tradition that is a unique faith expression that straddles in an uneasy tension nuestra herencia cultural y nuestra historia como pueblo colonizado (our cultural heritage and our history as a colonized people) and nuestra fe (our faith). Through the storms and tempests, vis-a-vis the vicissitudes of a conquered people, the church has developed leaders that are local and responsibly entrusted with the Gospel, and who also demonstrate a neighbor justice commitment to the community they serve.
- Cultural Diversity: What is striking about this historical examination is the cultural diversity of the people who not only birthed the Lutheran Church in Puerto Rico, but in the region. The history and the subsequent congregations that were founded on the islands reflect the racial and ethnic diversity of the Caribbean, including people of African, European and North American descent.
- Social Justice and Holistic Missiological Concern: Rodríguez clearly illustrated that missionaries, beginning with the military chaplains and culminating with the American Lutheran pastors, brought with them not only their passion to spread the Gospel but to also tend to the needs of God’s children. Regardless of their motivations, or how they viewed the people they served, their concern was holistic and the outcome was to usher in a more justice lived reality for the people they ministered to. These workers of the vineyard advocated for the marginalized, promoted literacy, and worked towards the promotion of human worth and dignity, gender and economic justice, healthcare, and more recently climate change.
- Women’s Leadership: There’s an admirable accomplishment related to the encouragement and celebration of the ministry of women on the island. This loving concern has contributed significantly to the growth of the Lutheran church in Puerto Rico. From the inception of the church, women have been active as teachers, missionaries, lay leaders, and eventually, pastors and bishops. The Caribbean Synod can boast of the election of three female bishops, while some synods have yet to elect a female bishop.
[11] The social challenges the Lutheran Church in Puerto Rico confronts are daunting but not overwhelming, These include: “breaking the patterns of prejudice, racism and injustice” (184): responding to the socio-economic needs of the people and a rapacious metropolitan “money-making economy” that devastates the local economy (187); the challenging and never ending “Americanization” of the island and the neo-colonial contribution to a bifurcated sense of self (188); the continued damage caused by wall street investors to the housing market; the mass exodus of Puerto Ricans to the mainland due to weather events and unemployment; and the rampant crime rates resulting from socio-economic disparities. The benefit of this book is its nuanced discussion of historical events, and ideologies that not only shaped the church but contextualize its previous and continuing challenges and accomplishments. These formational historical antecedents include, but are not limited to, the Nationalist movements in the post-WWII period, the attempts at industrialization by the Commonwealth (Operation Bootstrap), the forced migration of millions to the mainland as a strategy of economic development, the cultural erosion due to the presence of the US, the struggle for political autonomy, and the sexism and racism (colorism) that permeates Puerto Rican culture. Rodríguez brilliantly weaves these concerns in his historical account of the Lutheran Church in the Puerto Rican archipelago. The challenge this book proffers to other Lutheran scholars, is to replicate an examination of the hispano-parlante communities and congregations in the US using these methodological strategies proposed by Dr. Rodríguez. It is hoped that this work will inspire future generations of researchers to continue unearthing the profound contributions of these vibrant faith communities, both in the US and in the Caribbean.
William Rodríguez is Assistant Professor of Religion and Philosophy at Bethune-Cookman University, Daytona Beach, Florida. He serves as Book Review Editor for the Journal of Lutheran Ethics.