Book Review: The Christian Past That Wasn’t: Debunking the Christian Nationalist Myths that Hijack History by Warren Throckmorton

[1] The ELCA social statement Faith and Civic Life: Seeking the Well-Being of All defines Christian Nationalism as:

 A cultural framework that idealizes and advocates fusion of highly selected Christian beliefs with U.S. civic life. This nationalistic ideology holds, among other   things, that the U.S. Constitution was divinely inspired, that Christianity should be a privileged religion in the United States, and that this nation holds a uniquely privileged status in God’s eyes. Proponents range from those who believe the U.S. legally should be declared a Christian nation to those involved in more virulent    strains that are openly racist, patriarchal, and antidemocratic.[1]

[2] Warren Throckmorton’s book The Christian Past that Wasn’t: Debunking the Christian Nationalist Myths That Hijack History, is an attempt to “expose and debunk [the] myths, misinformation,” half-truths, and falsifications that have been proffered by proponents of Christian Nationalism.[2] Unfortunately, these pseudo historical ideas are trafficked by politicians and accepted by a misinformed citizenry. For example, Throckmorton cites a 2022 Pew Research poll that discovered that 60% of Americans believe that the “founding fathers” intended the creation of a Christian nation (7).  A foundational story cited by WallBuilders.com, a prominent site for Christian Nationalism, deals with a contentious debate at the Constitutional Convention on June 28, 1787.

The Constitutional Convention was called in an effort to seek solutions to problems the nation experienced under the Articles of Confederation. The gathering started with optimism, but after five weeks of frequent disagreements, they were almost at a full impasse. Addressing their frustration, on June 28, delegate Benjamin  Franklin told the others: In this situation of this assembly, groping, as it were, in the     dark to find political truth, and scarce able to distinguish it when presented to us, how has it happened, sir, that we have not hitherto once thought of humbly applying     to the Father of Lights to illuminate our understandings?… I therefore beg leave to move, that henceforth prayers imploring the assistance of Heaven, and its blessings on our deliberations, be held in this Assembly every morning before we proceed to business.[3]

Barton gives the impression that the delegates got on their knees, prayed, resolved their tensions, and crafted our founding documents based on the Bible and Christianity. Throckmorton points out that although Franklin’s proposal was seconded, it was never voted on. Alexander Hamilton objected, and a Virginia delegate, Edmund Randolph, presented a compromise proposal. This proposal was never voted on either. “Ben Franklin’s call to prayer had nothing to do with what is in the Constitution or the Bill of Rights” (7). Historical distortions such as this instance have been used “as a form of propaganda in the service of Christian nationalism” (8).

[3] Presently, we are confronting an attempt to incorporate the Protestant version of the Ten Commandments in classrooms throughout our country. The latest attempts in Louisiana and Texas justify these legislative attempts on an often-cited quote attributed to James Madison establishing that the Decalogue was the foundation of this country [and its laws]. The problem is that Madison never wrote or said this. The attribution comes from a false quote from the 1950’s. Throckmorton points to “bad history” used aa a means to convince people that “America was founded as a Christian nation” (18). Throckmorton points out that conservative Christian writers use the stories [myths] as a form of propaganda in the service of Christian Nationalism” (8). “False stories, folklore and half truths about the early days of European exploration, the founders, and the charter documents” serve as the means to promote the values and socio-political agenda of Christian Nationalism (9).

[4] Why are these myths so attractive? What do Christian Nationalists stand to gain from the promotion of these myths? When confronted with complex ideas, people usually prefer a powerfully inspirational yet simplistic story over complicated, and nuanced truths. Politicians and institutions choose to preserve and perpetuate a myth because it serves their purpose and suits their agenda. Throckmorton’s book is an attempt to challenge the myths that support Christian Nationalism and their political agenda. Their agenda is a conflation of bad theology and bad history.

• The federal government should declare the United States a Christian nation.
• The federal government should advocate Christian values.
• The federal government should enforce strict separation of church and state.
• The federal government should allow the display of religious symbols in public spaces.
• The success of the United States is part of God’s plan.
• The federal government should allow prayer in the public schools (26-27).

An interesting sidenote addressed by Whitehead and Perry and alluded to by Throckmorton relates to the question of whether the president should be a Christian. Even though there is no constitutional provision, 40% of the adherents of Christian Nationalism support the president being a Christian. Not surprisingly, 70% of white evangelicals support this idea (27-28).

[5] What motivates the adherents of Christian Nationalism? Warren Throckmorton addresses this question by examining two succinct groups: those who benefit from Christian Nationalism, and those who follow. The first group, the architects and promoters of Christian Nationalism use the stories [myths] “as a form of propaganda in the service” of their agenda (8). Christian Nationalists use these stories to support the social and political hegemony of white supremacy. In essence, Christian Nationalism legitimates and perpetuates dominion, power, and control. Concerning the second group, average people are attracted to Christian Nationalism and its accompanying myths for two reasons. The ideology helps meet psychological needs. Secondly, because people believe what their leaders tell them is true (10). The latter justification is ironic since Republican politicians, beginning with Ronald Reagan, and religious leaders have consistently inculcated the public with the idea that government was the problem and not the solution. The disconnect between not allowing governmental intervention in daily life, and the belief that the government should promote and enforce faith commitments, is lost to them. Throckmorton points out that both groups “want government to enforce their vision of Christianity” (22). Proponents and adherents of Christian Nationalism want the power to establish a Christian state (22), while arrogating to themselves a social primacy over other religions and non-believers alike (24).

[6] The strength of Throckmorton’s examination lies not only in his meticulous historical research, but also in his keen psychological analysis. A psychologist by training, Throckmorton concludes that Christians are attracted to nationalism due to fear and insecurity in a changing world, the need to be a part of community, the power of groupthink and the accompanying confirmation biases and echo chambers, a particularly insidious persecution complex, and the perceived loss of power—particularly among white men. These anxieties are exploited by nationalist tendencies and make them “vulnerable to myths and half-truths spread by evangelical leaders” (41). Finally,

Once people have accepted the main myths of Christian nationalism, those myths can stick and become part of their cultural worldview. Thus, the myths can be hard to dislodge. (41)

[7] After addressing prominent evangelical promoters of Christian Nationalism—David Barton and Francis Schaeffer—Throckmorton addresses seven prominent myths that are foundational for their agenda, particularly the misleading claim that America was founded as a Christian nation. Chapter 3 discusses the myth that God established a special covenant with European colonizers; a covenant that became the foundation of a Christian nation. Throckmorton challenges this arguing that Puritan covenants were local, and not national. Moreover, he concludes that genocidal atrocities committed against Indigenous peoples, and the dehumanizing institution of slavery, undermine the belief of a righteous Christian nation. “Through treachery and violence, white Protestants stole land and kidnapped humans” (88). It is hard to support the conclusion of this myth based on the historical record. Chapter 4 addresses the myth that the precedent of a state religion (Christianity) is justified by the existence of state sponsored religion in the colonies. This is a corollary to the first myth and is intended to undermine the separation of church and state. Throckmorton states that although some (if not most colonies) required a statement of faith for government employment, this practice disappeared after the revolution, and European interreligious conflicts required the innovation of separating the church from the state (94). The Puritan Roger Williams, after running afoul of the Puritan authorities in Massachusetts promoted “the separation of the garden of the church from the wilderness of the world” (97).

[8] Chapter 5 addresses the third myth that America is a Christian nation because the founders were orthodox Christians. The religious beliefs of the founders were eclectic and diverse, ranging from deism to theism, rationalism to skepticism. Jefferson (who created his own Bible and rejected Trinitarian theology), and Thomas Paine were theistic rationalists; Franklin was a deist; Washington (a Freemason) and Adams were skeptics. Throckmorton affirms that although most of the delegates to Constitutional Convention were members of Christian denominations, “professing denominational affiliation did not guarantee personal orthodoxy” (128). Throckmorton also addressed Barton’s often repeated claim that most of the framers were seminary trained. The first theological seminary in the US was established in 1807, and only one signer of the Declaration, John Whitherspoon, was a minister (130).

[9] Chapter 6 addresses the fourth myth that the founders created a Christian government. Throckmorton points out that based on a close reading of the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confederation, and the US Constitution, there is no validity to this claim. The separation of church and state, although not specifically stated in the Constitution, is explicitly expressed in Article VI. “The Constitution’s clear rejection of a religious test for public office is a critical component of separation of church and state” (142-43). It is also clear from the First Amendment that the framers of the Constitution did not want to establish Christianity as the official religion and intended the separation between church and state (145).

[10] Chapter 7 discusses the fifth myth that promotes the belief that the founding documents are based on the Bible. David Barton claims that the Constitution “quotes the Bible verbatim” (168). A close reading of the documents Throckmorton concludes that “the Bible had almost no influence on the substance of the Constitution and that it certainly does not quote the Bible verbatim” (174). Chapter 8 challenges the “whitewashing” of American history in an attempt to establish the “goodness” of the Christian religion and the “goodness” of the nation. There is an attempt by Christian Nationalists to justify the theft of Native lands, in addition to the enslavement of black people, as an attempt to Christianize, save, and civilize these groups. The final myth, discussed in Chapter 9, promotes the belief that due to the claim that “the Bible and Christian prayer were universal in American public schools since the seventeenth century,” Christianity can and should be promoted (taught) in the public schools, and that public funding for private schooling can be endorsed (231). Throckmorton dismisses this myth on two grounds: first, the practice of reading the Bible in schools was not universal (233), and public schools emerged in the country progressively (237). The kind of schools envisioned by Christian Nationalists “didn’t exist the same way they do today” (234). Most education also took place in the home or in religious sectarian settings. In fact, New York, which instituted one of the first public education systems, passed a bill in 1842 that promoted non-sectarian education (239). The claim that public funding for education is historically based is also misleading since in 1786 the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom established that taxes couldn’t be used “to provide advantage to religious objectives” (248).

[11] Throckmorton—and all people of good faith—believes that resisting Christian Nationalism is essential to not only protecting American democracy, but to ensuring the separation of church and state, as well as preserving the religious freedom for believers of all faiths and non-believers alike. It must be stated that Christian Nationalism corrupts the Christian faith as well by tempting it with unbridled political power and the damaging promotion of inequality, while undermining civil and human rights, and dismantling the foundation of a nonsectarian society. Due to selective beliefs, confirmation biases, the continued influence effect, and mindless echo chambers, it may not be possible to reach the people who have already fallen prey to these myths. But as Throckmorton establishes perhaps an emphasis should be placed on those who have not been influenced by these pernicious myths and the idolatrous belief system of Christian Nationalism.

 Sometimes, giving up on these myths and replacing them with the truth might feel destabilizing and even threatening. As we learn the truths of our nation’s history, however, we might find that the truth will make us all a little freer (68).

[1] https://resources.elca.org/faith-and-society/civic-life-and-faith/ p. 80.

[2] The Christian Past that Wasn’t: Debunking the Christian Nationalist Myths That Hijack History, Warren Throckmorton, Minneapolis: MN, Broadleaf Books, 2026.

[3] https://wallbuilders.com/resource/on-this-day-in-history-june-28-1787/. WallBuilders is an organization created by David Barton, whose shoddy scholarship has been challenged by evangelical historians—as chronicled by Throckmorton in chapter 2 Hijacking History. Barton’s work has been described by evangelical scholars as containing “embarrassing factual errors, suspiciously selective quotes, and highly misleading claims” (49). Barton’s biography, from the website, states: “David Barton is the Founder of WallBuilders, and the author of numerous best-selling books. He is a sought-after speaker, bringing the truth of America’s history to churches, civic and military groups, schools and universities, and community events around the country, drawing his knowledge from his massive library of original writings from the Founding Era.” The fact remains that he is not a trained historian, has no advanced academic degrees, and had a book removed by the publishing house due to factual errors. Nevertheless he is a darling of not only proponents of Christian Nationalism, but also politicians—including Donald Trump. At present Barton serves on this administration’s National Faith Advisory Board.