{"id":1118,"date":"2015-11-01T13:59:17","date_gmt":"2015-11-01T13:59:17","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/learn.elca.org\/jle\/?p=1118"},"modified":"2020-10-28T20:02:24","modified_gmt":"2020-10-28T20:02:24","slug":"pauls-mission-to-romes-enemies-the-gauls-faith-welcoming-foreigners","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/learn.elca.org\/jle\/pauls-mission-to-romes-enemies-the-gauls-faith-welcoming-foreigners\/","title":{"rendered":"Paul’s Mission to Rome’s Enemies the Gauls: Faith Welcoming Foreigners"},"content":{"rendered":"

Introduction<\/strong><\/p>\n

[2] Galatians teaches us about justification by faith, but also\u2014and this is my thesis\u2014more about God\u2019s calling Paul on mission to ethnic others than we have perceived. Precisely in Galatians, Paul also teaches us about God\u2019s ethnic inclusion of emigrants,[1] about valuing all ethnicities.[2]<\/p>\n

[3] First, I give a contemporary context to this reading of Galatians: Lutheran-Catholic dialogue relating justification and sanctification, remembering the contributions of Joseph Fitzmyer, a Roman Catholic scholar on the dialogue team. Second, I illuminate the political and especially the visual context of Paul\u2019s own debate with his addressees, the Galatians, the Gauls. Third, I interpret the theological and ethical meaning of Gal 3.28 and Gal 5.16-26. Finally, I narrate how Prof. Ernst K\u00e4semann lived his theology of salvation by faith in our Lord Jesus Christ while opposing Hitler and preaching to German Christians in his congregation.<\/p>\n

Paul to the Galatians[3]: Justification by Faith and Crossing Ethnic Boundaries<\/p>\n

[4] Luther lectured twice on Galatians, in 1519 and 1531. Galatians was his \u201cdear epistle,\u201d his \u201cKaty von Bora.\u201d[4] Galatians was a key source, of course, of Luther\u2019s theology of justification by faith alone. The contemporary \u201cJoint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification\u201d very carefully interprets justification. I quote from the section on \u201cSources for the Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification\u201d that supports section 4.3: “As Lutherans we maintain the distinction between justification and sanctification, of faith and works, which however implies no separation. Catholic doctrine knows itself to be at one with the Protestant concern in emphasizing that the renewal of the human being does not \u2018contribute\u2019 to justification, and is certainly not a contribution to which he would make any appeal before God. Nevertheless it feels compelled to stress the renewal of the human being through justifying grace, for the sake of acknowledging God\u2019s newly creating power, although this renewal in faith, hope, and love is certainly nothing but a response to God\u2019s unfathomable grace.”\u200b [5]<\/p>\n

[5] This statement could be understood in an exclusively individualistic sense. The quotation refers, e.g., to \u201cthe human being\u201d and to \u201che\u201d in the singular and the masculine. As Lutheran I both affirm the theology of that paragraph for individuals (male and female), and want to argue that we can learn more from Paul\u2019s letter to the Galatians<\/em> about God and Paul crossing ethnic boundaries, about interethnic harmony and dialogue than we have typically realized.<\/p>\n

[6] Joseph Fitzmyer and John Reumann, both New Testament scholars, wrote the first draft of the Joint Declaration<\/em>. I express my utter admiration of Fitzmyer, for example, of the article \u201cJustification by Faith in Pauline Thought: A Catholic View.\u201d [6] The Jesuit Fitzmyer traces Paul\u2019s affirmation of God\u2019s righteousness in the face of Israel\u2019s disobedience back to Deutero-Isaiah (56.1), Ezekiel (18.19, 21), and Qumran[7] (1QS 11.9-15; see 4QMMT = 4Q394-399). Fitzmyer\u2019s command of Aramaic, Hebrew, and of New Testament Greek is unsurpassed, and he insists that Paul\u2019s emphasis on God\u2019s righteousness especially in Romans has roots in both in the biblical prophets and in contemporary Judaism. This affirmation would perhaps not be surprising in a Lutheran scholar like Reumann, but that a Catholic scholar affirmed it and participated in persuading his whole communion to agree is overwhelmingly impressive, surely another act of God\u2019s grace to us all.<\/p>\n

[7] The first section of Fitzmyer\u2019s article treats the Old Testament; the third section interprets Romans and Galatians. Everything he writes about Romans and Galatians is, of course, debatable and has been contested at length, but I will not pause over these disputes. I proceed to my own thesis. As an example, I refer to the book The Galatians Debate,[8] which is introduced by the editor and contains 23 articles. The final article has the title, \u201cFoolish Galatians?\u2014a Recipient-Oriented<\/em> Assessment of Paul\u2019s Letter,\u201d a fine article which begins with Gal 3.1, \u1f6e \u1f00\u03bd\u03cc\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9 \u0393\u03b1\u03bb\u03ac\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9! \u201cO foolish Gauls!\u201d<\/p>\n

The Gauls \/ Galatians Visually Represented by Greeks and Romans<\/strong><\/p>\n

[8] Here is my point: not a single author<\/em> in this book asks who the Galatians themselves were, the Gauls! The focus is exclusively <\/em>on Paul\u2019s theology, his conflict with Jewish and\/or Jewish-Christian opponents. Please do not misunderstand me: the theology is crucial; in my Introductory courses on Paul and on the Gospels at Pacific Lutheran Theological Seminary, I typically ask students to read Udo Schnelle,[9] who always does both exegesis and Lutheran theology. But I object to focusing so exclusively on Paul and his theology that we fail to notice who his conversation partners were.<\/em> The Galatians were more than generic \u201cgentiles\u201d<\/em>! Let me show the Gauls to you, or rather, the visual representations of Gauls by Greeks and Romans.[10]<\/p>\n

\"\"
\nFig. 1. The Pergamon Altar to Zeus<\/em> (fig. 1) is 116.92 feet wide and 109.58 feet deep; the front stairway is c. 65.6 feet wide. The base is decorated in high relief with a frieze showing the battle between the Olympian gods and the Giants known as a Gigantomachy. It was built by King Eumenes II c. 165 BCE, an Altar now reconstructed in the Pergamon Museum in Berlin. I note that this altar was in Asia Minor the geographical region to which Paul wrote his epistle to the Galatians.[11]
\n 
\n <\/p>\n

\"\"
\nFig. 2. Giant Klytios with reptile scales for an arm fights Hecate (not seen).
\n 
\n <\/p>\n

\"\"
\nFig. 3 Giant with snake legs fights goddess (fig. 3)
\n 
\n <\/p>\n

\"\"
\nFig. 4. Giant Gaul killing himself and his wife<\/em>[12] (fig. 4; seen by Josephus[13] in Vespasian\u2019s Temple of Peace in Rome, which Josephus mentions just before narrating Masada, the similar suicide of Jewish soldiers who had killed their wives), now in Palazzo Altemps, Rome.
\n 
\n <\/p>\n

\"\"
\nFig. 5. Wild hair<\/em> (fig. 5) of a Gaul killing himself (from fig. #4): \u201cthe Gauls are always washing [their hair] in limewater and they pull it back from the forehead \u2026 so that they look like Satyrs and Pans; for this treatment makes the hair so heavy and coarse that it differs not at all from horses\u2019 manes \u2026.\u201d (Diodorus 5.28.21, trans. Oldfather in LCL)[14]
\n 
\n <\/p>\n

[9] In summary, in the frieze surrounding the Altar to Zeus in Pergamon, the beautiful, powerful gods and goddesses sculpted on top<\/em> symbolize the Pergamene \u201cGreeks,\u201d while the defeated, dying, semi-human, snake-like animals on bottom<\/em> symbolize the Gauls,<\/em> those whom the Pergamene kings and Rome always defeat\u2014to whom Paul wrote Galatians.<\/p>\n

Greeks and Romans celebrating the defeat of dying Gauls\u2014and Jews<\/strong><\/p>\n

[10] Now I survey the wide geographical areas in which these aesthetic monuments of the dying Gauls were displayed, monuments later than and often dependent on the baroque Altar of Zeus in Pergamon. I emphasize that these images were popular, not isolated on top of the mountain on which Pergamon was built. The only artistic monument we have from Ephesus <\/em>from the 2nd century BCE is a relief celebrating the Pergamene defeat of the Gauls.[15] In the same time period a king in Pergamon sent an elaborate monument of 50 bronze statues to Greece, to Athens<\/em>, which celebrated 1) the famous war of the gods against the Giants, 2) the Athenians against the Amazons, that is, two mythical battles, and also two historical battles, as follows: 3) the battle at Marathon of the Greeks <\/em>against the Persians, as well as 4) the \u201cGreek\u201d Pergamene destruction of Gauls in Asia Minor (Pausanius 1.25.2). The great book by Andrew Stewart is on that Pergamene Dedication on the acropolis in Athens.[16] The dying Gauls were also sculpted by Greeks on the island of Delos.[17]<\/p>\n

[11] When the Roman Octavian\/Augustus built a Temple to Apollo connected to his own house on the Palatine hill in Rome<\/em>, one of the two marble doors of the Temple exhibited a relief of Gauls defeated at Delphi.[18] Nero exhibited a statue of a giant Gaul killing himself and his wife (figs. # 4-5 above), in the central Octagonal Room of his Golden House in Rome,[19] and also in his villa at Anzio, a statue of an Amazon defeating a Gaul.[20] When Vespasian and Titus built the so-called Temple of Peace[21] in Rome to celebrate their victory in the Judean War, the statue from Pergamon of the Gaul killing himself and his wife (figs. # 4-5 above) represented the defeat and death of the Jews. Josephus mentions this Temple of Peace just before he narrates the suicides of the Jews at Masada.[22]<\/p>\n

[12] In summary, Greeks <\/em>in Pergamon and Ephesus in Asia Minor, on the island of Delos, and in Athens celebrated their victory over the Gauls <\/em>by erecting monuments with statues of dying Gauls. Romans <\/em>followed suit: Augustus in the most important temple in the empire, the one to Apollo adjacent to his house on the Palatine hill, and Nero both in his Golden House and in his villa in Anzio had the Gauls sculpted as the barbarians par excellence, nevertheless defeated and killed by Greek or Roman armies. Following Augustus and Nero, Vespasian <\/em>also displayed a Gaul killing himself and his wife to represent and celebrate the defeat and deaths of the Jews\/Judeans.<\/p>\n

[13] The Gauls were invading emigrants from the north: they invaded Greece and Asia Minor in 279-78 BCE, attacking Delphi.[23] Julius Caesar\u2019s war with the Gauls was in 58-52 BCE. In 49 CE Claudius expelled both Jews and Gallic Druids from Rome for riots (Suetonius, Claudius <\/em>25.4-5). And in 68 CE, the year of Nero\u2019s suicide, there was a Gallic\/German uprising against Rome under Civilis, heralding \u201cthe Empire of all Gaul.\u201d<\/p>\n

[14] I quote the art historian Stewart\u2019s conclusion at the end of his 241-page monograph, which has 287 figures of these dying Gauls\/barbarians: \u201cThe Little [Gallic] Barbarians\u2019 [facial] expressions [displayed in Athens] show that they understand the end that imminently awaits them \u2026. The Barbarians\u2019 diverse reactions openly acknowledge \u2026 the victors\u2019 power\u2014for as Plato memorably put it, the power of anything is literally its power to hurt[24] (Philebos 49b-d) \u2026. [The Little Gallic Barbarians] show that at some level they have internalized the victorious Other\u2014Hellenism\u2019s overwhelming moral and ethical superiority, its matchless virtue (ar\u00eate). They have measured themselves against it and have found themselves fatally wanting. So we find a paradox: By thinking themselves through the victors in this instant of terminal self-revelation, these \u2018mindless\u2019 (aphrones) barbarians have come to a certain understanding \u2026 albeit only at the moment of death. Once repulsed from Delphi, they have finally arrived there in spirit and \u2026 now \u2018know themselves\u2019\u2014their station and fate in life. They know that measured against the Greek, they know nothing and are nothing.\u201d[25]<\/p>\n

Paul, theology, and the Gauls\u2014on Gal 3.28<\/strong><\/p>\n

[15] The gospel Paul preached to the Gauls opposed this Greco-Roman worldview, which for two centuries before Paul arrived in central Asia Minor, Greeks and Romans had militarily, politically, and visually thrust at the Gauls. We do not teach students in our classrooms in Lutheran colleges and seminaries as if their identity, their ethnicity for example, whether they are \u201cwhite,\u201d black, or brown, makes no difference! It is a mistake exclusively to analyze Paul\u2019s theological critique of Mosaic law; it is another mistake exclusively to analyze the textual descriptions of the Gauls. The vast majority of people in the Greco-Roman world were visually oriented, not textually; that is, most could not read.<\/p>\n

[16] Brigitte Kahl is correct: Gal 3.28, \u201cthere is no longer Jew or Greek<\/em>,\u201d not only denies that the Mosaic law of circumcision qualifies some and disqualifies others before God. In the larger cultural context, the \u201cGreeks\u201d mentioned in this baptismal formula claimed to be superior to the Asian, barbarian Gauls.<\/p>\n

[17] Josephus also calls Israel \u201cAsian<\/em>\u201d (Ant. 5.222), that is, Asian like the Gauls. In Gal 3.28 both Jews and Gauls are barbarians \/ Asians, and many would hear the baptismal formula assert: We Jews\/Gauls\/Asians are not inferior to \u201cGreeks\u201d! When Paul realized that God justifies us without law, that meant both without Mosaic Levitical law and also without Greco-Roman colonizing law that put Gauls and Jews in their place, in Andrew Stewart\u2019s words, which meant that Asians, that is, Gauls and Jews, \u201cknow nothing and are nothing.\u201d Paul was indeed surprised that the Gauls would fall from their belief that \u201cthere is no longer Jew\u2014that is, there is no long Asian barbarian\u2014and Greek,\u201d that the Gauls would fall back into the Greco-Roman world view that they were socially and politically \u201cnothing.\u201d Paul\u2019s gospel countered racism against emigrants in the Roman Empire. How do we understand this theologically?<\/p>\n

Paul on God\u2019s gifts (charismata) that are more than social ethics\u2014on Gal 5.16-26<\/strong><\/p>\n

[18] My teacher (1968-1970), Ernst K\u00e4semann in T\u00fcbingen, Germany, denied that Paul\u2019s acts and mission could be understood simply as social ethics. \u201cThe concept of ethics stems from Hellenistic tradition, and is the basis of the modern idea of performance \u2026. I cannot derive such a discipline from the Bible \u2026. Pauline theology announces the justification of the godless [Rom 4.5], and in place of \u2018ethics\u2019 sets its doctrine of the charisms <\/em>[see Gal 5.16-26], which in turn reflects the first commandment. God is the Lord who commands, but he is such as the one who delivers from Egypt<\/em> and forbids giving his place to other lords and gods \u2026. Now the recipient of charis <\/em>[grace] becomes at the same time the bearer of charis <\/em>and its being let loose in the world.\u201d \u2026 The first commandment is truly a gospel. It calls to us to hand on what was given us, that is, the freedom of grace.\u201d[26]<\/p>\n

[19] K\u00e4semann also makes the following crucial observation: \u201cthe sacramental gift [charisma<\/em>] of the pneuma <\/em>[Spirit\u2014in baptism and in the Lord\u2019s Supper] is not for the Apostle some heavenly power, which enters man [and woman] in some vague and impersonal manner. This gift brings with it its Giver<\/em>; it is an epiphany of the exalted Lord, [27] who becomes manifest in it. Through it we are brought into his presence and thereafter, we stand \u2018before his face.\u2019[28] In the pneuma [Spirit], the Kyrios [Lord] comes to us, takes possession of us and claims us for his own.\u201d[29] When God gives us faith, God does not abandon us to our own finite resources as we respond to God\u2019s call, but God\u2019s own self comes to us. Paul encourages the Gauls to live by and be guided by God\u2019s Spirit (Gal 5.25).<\/p>\n

[20] K\u00e4semann did respond in his own life and ministry to the charis and the charism God gave him. We can read, for example the sermon he preached 15 Aug 1937 as pastor in Gelsenkirchen-Rotthausen. In his sermon he cited the supposedly new gospel (das neue Evangelium<\/em>): \u201cGermany is God\u2019s chosen people, and the F\u00fchrer God\u2019s Messenger to our time.\u201d And he cites some objections raised against him: His preaching was \u201cnot national enough, was too Jewish. Politics does not belong in the chancel.\u201d[30] Three days after this sermon, the Gestapo arrested him and took him to prison.<\/p>\n

[21] Paul, writing to the Gauls, and K\u00e4semann as a Lutheran pastor in Nazi Germany proclaimed justification by faith alone, and they both also responded to the charis <\/em>and the charism <\/em>that God gave them, to the first commandment, proclaiming that there is no God but one. Neither the Roman Caesar, who makes emigrant Asian Gauls (and the Asian Jews) \u201cnothing,\u201d nor the German Kaiser, who murders Jews are divine or are to be obeyed.<\/p>\n

CONCLUSIONS<\/p>\n

[22] The Gauls to whom Paul preached and to whom he wrote Galatians were not generic Gentiles. Both Greeks and Romans represented these \u201cAsians\u201d as fierce, gigantic invading emigrants from the North, who nevertheless in relation to Greeks and Romans, were sub-human, snake-like animals, \u201cnothing\u201d (Stewart). Their lime-washed hair was one of the symbols of their physical and cultural otherness, as Paul\u2019s Jewish circumcision was a symbol to Greeks and Romans of his otherness.[31] Paul preached the freedom of the gospel to them, and they were baptized hearing that, in contrast to both Roman colonial law and to Mosaic covenantal law, \u201cthere is no longer Jew or Greek\u201d (Gal 3.28a).<\/p>\n

[23] My teacher (1970-1974) at Yale, Nils Dahl,[32] observed that in Gal 4.12, Paul shifted for the first time to the imperative mood: \u201cFriends, I beg you, become as I am, for I have also become as you are.\u201d (NRSV) Paul had become one who lived like a Gentile (Gal 2.14; compare 1 Cor 9.21, \u201cTo those outside the law, I became as one outside the law \u2026.\u201d). We are \u201cnot justified by the works of the law, but through faith in Jesus Christ\u201d (Gal 2.16). Living like a Gentile among Gauls, the Romans\u2019 enemies, meant joining their famous pork banquets (Athenaeus, Deip. iv.154b[33]: see 1 Cor 10.25a: \u201ceat whatever is sold in the meat market \u2026.\u201d). Paul the orthopraxic Jew had become as a Gaul.<\/p>\n

[24] Paul also invites the Gauls to \u201cbecome as I am\u201d (Gal 4.12), no longer to believe the Greco-Roman, colonizing gospel of their own ethnic Asian inferiority, their \u201cnothingness,\u201d or as males to obey the Mosaic covenantal law and be circumcised. Like Abraham (Gal 3.8-9, 29), the Gauls had rejected both forms of ethnic and legal status differentiation, Greco-Roman and Mosaic\/Levitical, when they repeated the ritual language of baptism (Gal 3.28a).<\/p>\n

[25] Not surprisingly, as we see in Galatians 2:11-3:5 (and Acts 10-15), this denial of ethnic and legal inferiority generated serious religious\/political conflict, just as does the proclamation in our North American present that \u201cblack lives matter.\u201d Paul\u2019s mission to the Gauls was an effort to convince Gauls that Gauls\u2019 lives matter, a contrast to Greek and Roman values, who entertained themselves with public spectacles of the Gauls dying.<\/p>\n

   
\nNOTES<\/p>\n

[1] For migration in the Greek world see Robert Garland, Wandering Greeks: The Ancient Greek Diaspora from the Age of Homer to the Death of Alexander the Great<\/em> (Princeton: Princeton University, 2014). For the patriarchs\u2019 migration narrated in Genesis, see J. Van Seters, Changing Perspectives I: Studies in the History, Literature and Religion of Biblical Israel<\/em> (London: equinox, 2011), chap. 15. Israel\u2019s enemies, the Philistines, were also emigrants\u2014Mycenaeans from Greece: J. Aruz et al, eds., Assyria to Iberia at the Dawn of the Classical Age<\/em> (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2014), 42.<\/p>\n

[2] Robert Jewett, Romans: A Commentary<\/em> (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress, 2007), 131, argues a similar case for Paul\u2019s proposed mission to Spain.<\/p>\n

[3] On the meaning of \u03c4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f10\u03ba\u03ba\u03bb\u03b7\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u0393\u03b1\u03bb\u03b1\u03c4\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 (Gal 1.2b) and of \u1f6e \u1f00\u03bd\u03cc\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9 \u0393\u03b1\u03bb\u03ac\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 (Gal 3.1a) see Cilliers Breytenbach, Paulus und Barnabas in der Provinz Galatien: Studien zu Apostelgeschichte<\/em> 13f.; 16,6; 18,23 und den Adressaten des Galaterbriefes (AGJU 38; Leiden: Brill, 1996), chap. V, 1.1-2, who argues that Paul addressed Galatians to the province (Gal 1.2b), where ethnic Gauls lived (Gal 3.1a). Peter Oakes, Galatians (Paideia; Grand Rapids: Baker, 2015), 18, argues against ethnic Gauls\/Celts as addressees, but he undervalues the visual evidence presented below.<\/p>\n

[4] Table Talk, Luther\u2019s Works<\/em> (1967), vol. 54, 20, cited by Brigitte Kahl, Galatians Re-imagined; Reading with the Eyes of the Vanquished<\/em> (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2010), 11, n. 27.<\/p>\n

[5] Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification: English Language Edition<\/em> (The Lutheran World Federation and the Roman Catholic Church; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000, from German of 1999), 33.<\/p>\n

[6] Joseph A. Fitzmyer, S.J. \u201cJustification by Faith in Pauline Thought: A Catholic View,\u201d in Rereading Paul Together: Protestant and Catholic Perspectives on Justification<\/em> (ed. David E. Aune; Grand Rapids: Baker, 2006), 77-94. Now see John M.G. Barclay, Paul and the Gift<\/em> (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2015), section III on Galatians.<\/p>\n

[7] Nearly 900 Dead Sea Scrolls were discovered at Qumran.<\/p>\n

[8] The Galatians Debate: contemporary issues in rhetorical and historical interpretation<\/em> (ed. Mark D. Nanos: Peabody: Hendrickson, 2002), e.g. the final article (408-33).<\/p>\n

[9] See Udo Schnelle, The Apostle Paul: His Life and Theology<\/em> (trans. M. Eugene Boring; Grand Rapids: Baker, 2003).<\/p>\n

[10] For permission to publish these images see D.L. Balch, Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches<\/em> (WUNT 228; T\u00fcbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2008), 102, 239, and Balch, Contested Ethnicities and Images: Studies in Acts and Art<\/em> (WUNT 345; T\u00fcbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2015), 362, 416. Again I thank the Soprintedenza per i Beni Archaeologica di Roma and the Sopintendente Speciale per i beni Archaeologici di Napoli e Pompei.<\/p>\n

[11] Kahl, Galatians Re-imagined<\/em> (see n. 4), 84, fig. 14. Filippo Coarelli, La Gloria dei Vinti: Pergamo \/ Atene \/Roma<\/em> (Milan: Electa, 2014), 39, fig. Coarelli\u2019s book is the catalogue of a recent exhibit of dying Gauls in Palazzo Altemps, Rome, ancient Greco-Roman statues gathered from museums in Aix-en-Provence, Paris, Rome, Naples, and Vienna. For more images check \u201cgoogle images\u201d at \u201caltar zeus pergamon.\u201d<\/p>\n

[12] Andrew Stewart, Attalos, Athens, and the Akropolis: The Pergamene \u2018Little Barbarians\u2019 and their Roman and Renaissance Legacy<\/em> (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2004), 15, fig. 27; 208, figs. 237-39. Kahl, Galatians Re-imagined, 32, fig. 9. Coarelli, Gloria, 136-38, figs. 16-17. Balch, Roman Domestic Art, 102, plate 9, CD 198.<\/p>\n

[13] Josephus, War 7.158-62.<\/p>\n

[14] Cited by Stewart, Attalos, Athens, and the Akropolis<\/em>, 137, n. 7.<\/p>\n

[15] Balch, Contested Ethnicities and Images<\/em> (see n. 10), 351, fig. 9, an image on the CD that accompanies the book.<\/p>\n

[16] Stewart; also Kahl, Galatians Re-imagined<\/em>, 97, 117, 325, n. 61.<\/p>\n

[17] Coarelli, Gloria<\/em>, 141, fig. 18.<\/p>\n

[18] Balch, Contested Ethnicities and Images<\/em>, 350, citing Propertius, Elegy <\/em>2.31.1-14.<\/p>\n

[19] Balch, Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches<\/em>, 101-03, n. 75, with Plate 9 and CD 198, citing Pliny, Nat. hist. 34.84; Dio Chrysostom, Or. 31.148; Josephus, War 7.158-62.<\/p>\n

[20] See Coarelli, Gloria<\/em>, 14, fig. 22.<\/p>\n

[21] Balch, Roman Domestic Art<\/em>, 101.<\/p>\n

[22] See nn. 12-13, 21.<\/p>\n

[23] See the chart of dates in Stewart, Attalos, Athens, and the Akropoli<\/em>s, xxiii-xxv, and a more complete chart in Kahl, Galatians Re-imagined<\/em>, xix-xxiii.<\/p>\n

[24] I disagree with this summary of the source of power.<\/p>\n

[25] Stewart, Attalos, Athens, and the Akropolis<\/em>, \u201cConclusions: The Truth in Sculpture,\u201d 241 (Stewart\u2019s italics).<\/p>\n

[26] Ernst K\u00e4semann, \u201cThe Freedom to Resist,\u201d Dialog <\/em>38\/2 (Spring, 1999): 117-22, at 119-20, translated Roy A. Harrisville.<\/p>\n

[27] See Joerg Rieger, Christ and Empire: From Paul to Postcolonial Times<\/em> (Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress, 2007), chap. 1: \u201cResisting and Reframing \u2018Lord\u2019: Christology and the Roman Empire,\u201d a reference for which I thank Jos\u00e9-David Rodriguez (LSTC). See Jos\u00e9 David Rodr\u00edguez and Loida I. Martell-Otero, eds., Teolog\u00eda en Conjunto: A Collaborative Hispaniac Protestant Theology<\/em> (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1997). Now see J. Rieger, ed., Religion, Theology, and Class: Fresh Engagements after Long Silence<\/em> (Gordonsville: Macmillan, 2015).<\/p>\n

[28] See 1 Cor 13.12; 2 Cor 3.18; 4.6.<\/p>\n

[29] Ernst K\u00e4semann, \u201cThe Pauline Doctrine of the Lord\u2019s Supper,\u201d Essays on New Testament Themes<\/em> (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1982, from German of 1960), 118: my italics emphasize what K\u00e4semann himself stressed in his lectures.<\/p>\n

[30] Ernst K\u00e4semann, \u201cPredigt im Bittgottesdienst am 15.8.1937 in Gelsenkirchen-Rotthausen,\u201d Dienst in Freiheit: Ernst K\u00e4semann zum 100. Geburtstag (ed. J. Adam, H.-J. Eckstein, and H. Lichtenberger; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 2008), 91-104, 87-90 (my translation).<\/p>\n

[31] When baptized, one retains one\u2019s ethnicity, e.g. 1 Cor 7.18a, \u201cWas anyone at the time of his call already circumcised: Let him not seek to remove the marks of circumcision \u2026.\u201d<\/p>\n

[32] Nils Dahl, \u201cPaul\u2019s Letter to the Galatians: Epistolary Genre, Content, and Structure,\u201d The Galatians Debate: Contemporary Issues in Rhetorical and Historical Interpretation<\/em> (ed. M.D. Nanos; Peabody: Hendrickson, 2002), 117-42, at 134.<\/p>\n

[33] Cited by Aliou Ciss\u00e9 Niang, Faith and Freedom in Galatia and Senegal: The Apostle Paul, Colonists and Sending Gods<\/em> (Biblical Interpretation Series; Leiden: Brill, 2009), 40, n. 29.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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